News and Report Centre

Antananarivo — Madagascar's President Marc Ravalomanana and opposition leader Andry Rajoelina have met for the second time since violent political unrest erupted in late January, but observers say a solution to the crisis that has claimed over 100 lives is not yet at hand.

The content of the talks between the two political rivals has been a closely guarded secret. "Everything is being kept confidential for the time being," Ivohasina Ravafimahefa, minister of economy, commerce and industry and a key figure in the presidential negotiating team, told IRIN. "This is for the good of the negotiations and has been agreed between the two parties."

Although Ravalomanana has indicated that social and economic reforms to address people's grievances will be implemented, there has not yet been any concrete indication that Rajoelina will settle for anything short of the president's removal.

The opposition leader and former major of the capital, Antananarivo, had originally made Ravalomanana's standing-down a pre-condition of engaging in talks, and has expressed dissatisfaction with progress so far.

The meetings are being hosted by the Council of Christian Churches in Madagascar (FFKM), a powerful organisation in a country where religion has often played an important role in politics.

Toning it down?

Ravalomanana and Rajoelina had agreed to suspend public protests during the talks, put a halt to arrests "of a political nature", and stop violence and looting on the giant Indian Ocean island.

Both parties have also said they will stop campaigns of public disinformation, a significant move; private broadcasters are frequently accused of being partisan and the boundaries between rumour and fact are often confused. The closure of Rajoelina's television channel, Viva, in December 2008 sparked the rapid deterioration in the relationship between Ravalomanana and the opposition leader.

According to Jean-Eric Rakotoharisoa, professor of law at the University of Antananarivo, successful talks could lead to an entirely new phase in Madagascar's political development.

"There could be two possible outcomes to the negotiations," he told IRIN. "A neutral governing body that is neither with the president or the opposition, but made up of technocrats who return stability to the country; or a transitional government, with power shared between the parties of Ravalomanana and Rajoelina, that should also include other political forces, particularly those from the provinces."

Rakotoharisoa argues that if a transitional government is put in place, a third political force is now coming into play, consisting of groups predominantly from Madagascar's coastal areas, which have aligned themselves with the opposition movement.

"At the moment, discussions are only between parties from the centre of the country," said Rakotoharisoa. Tension between Madagascar's coastal inhabitants and those of the central plateau has long characterised Malagasy politics.

Transitional arrangements

A major obstacle to implementing any sort of transitional government is Madagascar's current constitution, which does not provide the means to establish an interim governing body. According to Rakotoharisoa, the constitution would have to be suspended to allow for the creation of a new one.

There is also the question of the role of the army in finding a solution to the crisis. Historically, the Malagasy army has remained restrained and largely neutral in times of political unrest.

Last week, army chiefs announced that they would "fulfil their duties" in maintaining national unity and the rule of law in the event that no solution was found. Since then there has been speculation that this could mean that they would step in and take power if the situation deteriorated further.

Many fear that there is a long way to go before an agreement is reached. "Just because the men have met doesn't mean this is the end," said one analyst close to both parties, who wished to remain nameless. "The talks could fall apart very quickly; it could be a case of one step forward and two steps back."

Market traders and shop owners in Antananarivo, who have put up with massive disruption as a result of continuing demonstrations and strikes, have jumped on the opportunity to return to normal. "There is no protest today and we can trade freely again," said one woman selling towels. "The two men are talking now and we hope for the best."

President Ravalomanana, now in his second term, is credited with free market reforms that have stabilised the economy and attracted foreign investment.

However, Rajoelina, a charismatic young businessman, used his office as mayor to challenge Ravalomanana's democratic credentials and attack the government's record on poverty alleviation - both issues dear to many Malagasy.

Zimbabwe: GNU - Let's Have the Change People Desire

12 February 2009

ARE we witnessing the beginning of a new era or simply seeing the old guard purchasing a new lease on life?

It has to be said, while newspapers may be duty-bound to exercise some scepticism over an arrangement that allows President Mugabe's dead-wood cronies to hang on to office when their dismal record is only too evident, at the same time there is room for cautious optimism as a new generation takes charge at various levels within the country.

The MDC now governs most of the nation's urban centres, including its four largest cities. It has a majority of parliamentary seats, 14 cabinet posts, and the posts of prime minister and deputy prime minister. Several governorships are on their way, we gather.

Whatever the obstacles to change laid in the path of the party's agenda, it cannot claim an absence of capacity. What it lacks is experience. But that is a problem common to new incumbents around the world.

Tony Blair and nearly all his cabinet were new to office in 1997. So was Nelson Mandela in 1994. What the MDC needs to do is seize the goodwill going for it at home and abroad and make capital out of it.

There are a number of litmus tests which the new government will face. In his Glamis Stadium address, Tsvangirai referred to restoration of the rule of law as a priority.

That will mean the release of the remaining political prisoners, an end to abductions and torture, and a complete overhaul of the law-enforcement regime aimed at instilling professional behaviour. Giles Mutsekwa as co-Home Affairs minister has a mountain to climb in getting this done.

Tsvangirai said he wanted to see a country in which people are not afraid to express their opinions. That for the media means allowing a diversity of views to contend. In particular we want to see a public media where people of differing viewpoints have access.

For too long the country has been "served" by a partisan and unprofessional media which denounces the ruling party's perceived enemies. Their inept coverage of Tsvangirai's swearing in tells us all we need to know about their usefulness.

As was pointed out at a Jomic meeting last week, once ZBC opens up to a proliferation of views, there will be no need for exiled broadcasters. We must allow our own nationals to return home and extend a welcome to foreign correspondents.

We have for too long heard about the evil of sanctions without being told of the evils that gave birth to them. Even as the swearing in ceremony was taking place, the state's apologists were dutifully claiming that the nation's crisis stemmed from sanctions.

Sadc, the AU and shamefully even Arthur Mutambara were adding their voices to this mendacity without calling for a restoration of the rule of law and the release of political prisoners.

It is important to remind ourselves that the circumstances that led to the imposition of sanctions -- political violence, illegal land seizures, misgovernance -- persist. That is why we need a professional police force and an independent judiciary that is not afraid to uphold individual rights, particularly the right to liberty.

Tsvangirai has his work cut out for him. He reminded his audience at Glamis Stadium on Wednesday that it was exactly 19 years to the day since Nelson Mandela walked as a free man from imprisonment in Cape Town. Wednesday's events were just the beginning of a similar journey, he emphasised. It would be a "long road to freedom" for his party with so much on their agenda.

One of his priorities will be the collapse of the health system. The cholera scourge stalking the land is the direct product of political delinquency. If funds allocated to fleets of vehicles for ministers, generals and judges had instead been spent on proper sanitation systems, we could have saved thousands of lives.

Some of Tsvangirai's ministers will think they have been given a ticket to jump aboard the state's gravy train. He needs to disabuse them of this view and light a fire under those sleeping on the job.

The people voted for change. They want to see change. They want a unity government only in so far as it delivers results.

Now let's see it do that.

There are a number of litmus tests which the new government will face. In his Glamis Stadium address, Tsvangirai referred to restoration of the rule of law as a priority.

Sadc, the AU and shamefully even Arthur Mutambara were adding their voices to this mendacity without calling for a restoration of the rule of law and the release of political prisoners.

One of his priorities will be the collapse of the health system. The cholera scourge stalking the land is the direct product of political delinquency. If funds allocated to fleets of vehicles for ministers, generals and judges had instead been spent on proper sanitation systems, we could have saved thousands of lives.

The people voted for change. They want to see change. They want a unity government only in so far as it delivers results.

Now let's see it do that.Tsvangirai finally in power - on paper at least

Tsvangirai finally in power - on paper at least
Chris McGreal in Harare
The Guardian, Thursday 12 February 2009

Morgan Tsvangirai could not let the significance of the date go unmentioned
to the thousands of supporters who had waited 10 years for something like
this moment.

The day of his inauguration as Zimbabwe's new prime minister was, he noted,
February 11 - the date Nelson Mandela walked free from prison 19 years ago.
But, he cautioned, there followed another four years of political struggle
before South Africa's racist regime was buried by free elections.

The crowd got the message. Tsvangirai's swearing in yesterday by the man he
has been trying to force from power for the past decade, President Robert
Mugabe, was a beginning not an end.

Just in case Tsvangirai had any doubts, the inauguration itself provided a
reminder that life in political cohabitation with Mugabe will be no fun.

A few hours earlier, the secret police had gone looking for one of
Tsvangirai's newly appointed ministers, Roy Bennett - a white former MP who
once served eight months in jail for wrestling the minister of justice on to
the floor of parliament. The police didn't find Bennett but it was a warning
that Zimbabwe's age of terror is not yet over.

As Tsvangirai waited to be called forward to accept the oath of office, the
old government's propaganda outlets kept spewing forth the views that
Zimbabweans have come to regard as emanating from some parallel universe.

The state radio reminded its listeners that the eradication of the country's
economy and 10 sextillion per cent inflation rate was nothing to do with
Zanu-PF's plunder and incompetence but all the fault of Gordon Brown. Mugabe
was called comrade. Tsvangirai was just plain mister. Not one of us.

After the swearing in, a young woman read an excruciating poem she had
written called Rise and Shine Zimbabwe, which included such original lines
as "United we stand, divided we fall". It quickly became clear that united
meant behind Mugabe. And then, as Tsvangirai prepared to deliver the agreed
five-minute address to the nation as its new PM, the master of ceremonies
announced lunch was served and Zimbabwe TV cut away.

Tsvangirai's moment came at a later rally, where he delivered an elongated
version of the speech he didn't make on television. It's not hard to see why
the old regime didn't want people to hear it.

"For too long, our people's hopes for a bright and prosperous future have
been betrayed. Instead of hope, their days have been filled with starvation,
disease and fear. A culture of entitlement and impunity has brought our
nation to the brink of a dark abyss," he said. "This must end today."

There was general agreement from the crowd that it would be a good idea if
it did end today, although not a lot of confidence that it would.

The loudest cheer came when he promised to pay civil servants, teachers,
health workers and soldiers in US dollars or South African rand until the
economy works again. The crowd went wild. For all that, there was little of
the electricity that shot through Zimbabwe in the days after the election
last March when Mugabe was defeated and his regime wobbled, uncertain how to
hold on. It found a way: violence and terror.

After the rally, some of Tsvangirai's supporters wondered aloud if Mugabe
was really done for or if he might not outsmart their new prime minister.

"We will not believe Mugabe is gone until he's in a coffin," said Ernest
Manyere. "He has tried to kill our side. Now maybe he is trying to trick our
side. Tsvangirai must be very careful."

But there are good reasons to think that Mugabe's power will diminish.

That he agreed to have Tsvangirai as PM at all is evidence of his
desperation. But with no solutions to the economy, Mugabe no longer so much
governs as obstructs. Every attempt to reverse the decline has only worsened
it.

So far as Mugabe is concerned, these are Tsvangirai's problems now. The new
prime minister will need all the help he can get, but he is only too aware
that he's not going to get it from the man who swore him in yesterday.

Zimbabwe: African Leaders Should Intervene

Abusive Policies Deepen Humanitarian Crisis and Need for Protection
January 22, 2009
(Johannesburg) - The African Union should put concerted political pressure
on Robert Mugabe to end Zimbabwe's longstanding political crisis, which has
led to an ever-deepening humanitarian emergency and a regional crisis, Human
Rights Watch said in a report released today. The African Union will hold a
summit meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia from January 26 to February 3, 2009.
The 33-page report, "Crisis without Limits: Human Rights and Humanitarian
Consequences of Political Repression in Zimbabwe," details the Zimbabwean
government's responsibility for the country's humanitarian crisis. A cholera
epidemic has left over 2,000 Zimbabweans dead and another 39,000 ill. Over 5
million Zimbabweans face severe food shortages and are dependent on
international aid. Repeated political interference by the ruling Zimbabwe
African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) in the work of
humanitarian agencies has severely hampered international efforts to tackle
the country's multiple crises.

"Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party have shown scant regard for the welfare
of Zimbabweans," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director for Human Rights
Watch, "It is way past time for the African Union to act to help end their
massive suffering."

The Global Political Agreement signed by ZANU-PF and the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), the opposition movement that won the country's
parliamentary elections, has all but collapsed and has not led to a credible
government of national unity or ended ZANU-PF's widespread abuses. ZANU-PF
has repeatedly breached the terms of the agreement that committed the two
parties to demonstrate respect for democratic values and human rights.
ZANU-PF's violations of basic human rights and various governmental policies
have worsened the country's humanitarian crisis.

"Crisis without Limits" is based on research conducted by Human Rights Watch
in six of Zimbabwe's 10 provinces from November 16 to 30, 2008. In-depth
interviews were conducted with victims of human rights violations as well as
representatives of local and international nongovernmental organizations and
humanitarian agencies, United Nations officials, MDC members, officials from
the Ministry of Agriculture and the Grain and Marketing Board, lawyers,
health experts, economists, and diplomats.

Human Rights Watch research identifies the causes of the food shortage, the
cholera outbreak, and the collapse in Zimbabwe's health system. Repressive
government and extensive corruption have led directly to an interlinked
economic collapse, humanitarian crisis, and growing public desperation.

The report also documents how ZANU-PF continues to use state institutions
such as the police and the justice system to violate the civil and political
rights of MDC members and supporters, civil society activists, and human
rights defenders. The police continue to use violence to break up peaceful
protests, and routinely persecute MDC activists.

Human Rights Watch expressed concern about the lack of progress in mediation
efforts by the Southern African Development Community (SADC). Ongoing human
rights abuses have not ceased and those responsible have not been held to
account.

Human Rights Watch called on the African Union to insert itself formally
into the mediation process and set basic principles, specific human rights
benchmarks, and timelines for resolving the crisis. Among the steps it
should take are to condemn and call for an end to ongoing abuses by the
ZANU-PF authorities, including an end to politically motivated violence,
enforced disappearances, torture, and the release of MDC members and human
rights activists who are being arbitrarily detained. Human Rights Watch
urged the AU to suspend Zimbabwe from the organization if - within a
specific time frame - it does not meet specific human rights and good
governance benchmarks.

Food Shortages

Human Rights Watch research found that the Zimbabwean government bears
primary responsibility for the severe food shortages in the country.
State-sanctioned political violence led to the destruction of food granaries
serving thousands of Zimbabweans who were forcibly displaced by ZANU-PF
supporters, "war veterans," and soldiers and left them dependent on food
aid. Official interference in the operations of humanitarian agencies that
distribute food aid worsened the crisis.

Endemic corruption within state-run agricultural institutions such as the
Grain and Marketing Board and by ZANU-PF's political elite has also led to
severe shortages of seed and other farming supplies such as fertilizer. Many
of the government's agricultural policies have benefitted the pro-ZANU-PF
political elite. The Zimbabwean authorities have diverted state-subsidized
maize, seed, fuel, and cheap tractors meant for local farmers to local
ZANU-PF officials and governors, who have then sold them on the black market
at high prices unaffordable for most Zimbabweans. And the government has
done little to address the corrupt practices that have affected the food
supply.

Health Crisis - Cholera

The Zimbabwean authorities have been aware of the potential for a major
cholera outbreak for nearly a year. In December 2007, 459 cases of cholera
were reported in two high-density suburbs of the capital, Harare, and 11
people died from cholera and more than 300 were hospitalized in Bulawayo.
Despite repeated calls to address the epidemic and to ensure that municipal
water sources were properly treated, the government did not respond
adequately.

While the capacity to respond to the cholera outbreak may have been
undermined by a lack of medical and financial resources, health officials
informed Human Rights Watch that the Zimbabwean government initially refused
to acknowledge the extent of the cholera crisis and the urgent need to
respond. Despite an alarming increase in cholera deaths and infections, the
government did not immediately appeal for international help and initially
refused to declare the outbreak an emergency.

Zimbabwe's failing health system, in which ordinary Zimbabweans are no
longer able to get basic health care, has aggravated the cholera epidemic.
Many district hospitals and municipal clinics in Zimbabwe are either closed
or operating at minimum capacity. Dilapidated infrastructure, equipment
failures, shortages of drugs, and a "brain drain" of medical professionals
have all contributed to the collapse of the health system.

"The Zimbabwean government is responsible for the humanitarian crisis and
the failure to protect Zimbabweans from its consequences," said Gagnon, "The
government has violated the basic rights of Zimbabweans to food, health, and
clean water."

Since the end of October, ZANU-PF has used the police and other state
agencies to arbitrarily arrest and "disappear" more than 40 MDC members and
human rights activists. Thirty-two MDC members and human rights activists
have been detained by the Zimbabwe authorities on various charges of
attempting to overthrow the government - charges that Human Rights Watch
believes are politically motivated. Most of the activists who have been
charged say they were tortured by state security agents during their
detention. The authorities are refusing to disclose the whereabouts of 11
other MDC members.

Regional leaders have repeatedly ignored the violations of human rights
inflicted on Zimbabweans by Mugabe's government and have not taken serious
steps to help their suffering, Human Rights Watch said. SADC leaders have
also failed to take any measures that would promote genuine democratic
transition. At the same time, the combination of political instability, the
cholera outbreak, and severe food problems have driven thousands of
Zimbabweans into neighboring countries. The influx has also taken cholera
across Zimbabwe's border to neighboring countries, including Botswana,
Mozambique, and Zambia.

"The urgent humanitarian needs of Zimbabweans are a direct consequence of
ZANU-PF's abusive rule," said Gagnon. "The AU can only restore the security
and well-being of people in the region by openly acknowledging the scale of
the crisis, putting human rights at the top of the agenda, and holding
abusers to account.

South Africa to host regional summit on Zimbabwe

http://uk.reuters.com

Thu Jan 22, 2009 6:21am GMT

JOHANNESBURG (Reuters) - South Africa will host a special regional summit on
Monday to discuss the crisis in Zimbabwe, officials said on Thursday.

The summit follows the failure of talks earlier this week to bridge the
divide between Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai,
leader of the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change, on forming a
power-sharing government.

"The summit of heads of state and government is expected to be attended by
all (Southern African Development Community) member states," the South
African Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Zimbabwe is a member of SADC and the statement said the MDC was also
expected to attend the summit.

South African President Kgalema Motlanthe, Mozambique's President Armando
Guebuza and Thabo Mbeki, SADC mediator and former South African president,
met the two Zimbabwean sides in Harare last Monday but no agreement was
reached.

A unity government is seen as the best chance of preventing total collapse
in once prosperous Zimbabwe, where prices double every day and more than
2,000 people have died in a cholera epidemic.

A September power-sharing deal has stalled amid disputes over who should
control key ministries.

Regional leaders have faced mounting international calls for stronger action
to end the crisis.

Zimbabwe Parties Lobby African Leaders Ahead of Regional, African Summits
http://www.voanews.com

By Ntungamili Nkomo & Benedict Nhlapho
Washington & Johannesburg
21 January 2009

Officials of Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF party and the
Movement for Democratic Change formation of Morgan Tsvangirai are intensely
lobbying member nations of the Southern African Development Community and
the African Union ahead of summits of the two bodies running concurrently
next week that will focus on the Zimbabwe crisis.

While attention will focus primarily on the SADC session set for Monday,
sources say the AU will take up the deep crisis in Zimbabwe at its summit in
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

SADC officials have not yet said whether the summit will be held in
Gaborone, Botswana, home of the regional organization, or in South Africa,
whose president, Kgalema Motlanthe, currently holds the SADC chair and
unsuccessfully tried to broker a deal early this week.

Sources said ZANU-PF and the Tsvangirai MDC wing are engaged in a blame game
over the failure of what were perceived as make-or-break power-sharing talks
this week.

ZANU-PF accuses Tsvangirai of being under Western orders not to join the
proposed unity government that President Mugabe has proposed to form. But
the MDC dismissed this charge, saying the problem is intransigence on the
part of Mr. Mugabe.

National Constitutional Assembly Deputy Chairman George Mkhwanazi told
reporter Ntungamili Nkomo of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that SADC is to
blame for the prolonged Zimbabwean impasse because of its softly-softly
approach to Mr. Mugabe.

Elsewhere, South African civic activists led by Graça Machel, wife of former
South African President Nelson Mandela and a member of the so-called Elders
group of eminent persons, on Wednesday presided over the launch of a "Save
Zimbabwe Campaign" including a hunger strike to galvanize public opinion, a
Studio 7 correspondent Benedict Nhlapho reported.

Leaked docs show SADC bias

http://www.thezimbabwean.co.uk

Wednesday, 21 January 2009

MDC power-sharing issues ignored

A confidential SADC position paper to be tabled at the extra-ordinary
Zimbabwe summit next
week by SADc chairman Kgalema motlanthe has been leaked to the
Zimbabwean. The document sidesteps real issues raised by the MDC and pours
cold water on any hope that the regional bloc will be able to come up with a
lasting solution to the long-running crisis.
SADC executive secretary Tomaz Salamao declined on Tuesday to reveal
details of the SADC position paper, saying he could only do that after its
details had been divulged to regional leaders at the January 26
extra-ordinary summit.
This has been scheduled to take place either in Gaborone or Pretoria
as a last-ditch bid to resolve the four-month standoff that has bogged down
the implementation of the powersharing deal between Zanu (PF) and the MDC.
The confidential document attempts to bulldoze MDC President Morgan
Tsvangirai into taking oath of office by January 24, even before the MDC
leader's outstanding issues have been resolved.
"After consultations held in Harare, on January 19, 2009," says the
document, "the principals
hereby agree to the following:
1. to proceed immediately with the formation of the Inclusive
Government as prescribed in the Agreement.
2. to support the adoption of the constitution of Zimbabwe Amendment
19 at the sitting of Parliament on Tuesday January 20, 2009.
3. to swear-in the Prime minister and Deputy Prime ministers by
January 24, 2009 and thereafter proceed to appoint ministers."
Tsvangirai wants the issue of ministries resolved before he can be
sworn-in as Prime minister, to give him authority to make meaningful change,
to deliver food and jobs, he said. He has classified 10 key ministries he
wants equally shared.
The SADC position paper also says the main MDC should submit a draft
Bill on the National Security Council for consideration by all the parties
by January 24, 2009.
The document makes if apparent that SADC has decided to take sides
with Mugabe, maintaining that the issue of governors cannot be reversed.
"At the end of the contract of the incumbent Governors, or should
vacancies arise, the posts will be shared amongst the Parties, according to
agreed formula," said the resolution, which supports Zanu (PF)'s retention
of all 10 gubernatorial posts.
The SADC position paper further states: "the allocation of ministerial
portfolios shall be reviewed six months after the inauguration of the
cabinet as per the decision of the SADC Extraordinary Summit held in
Sandton, South Africa, on November 9, 2008."
That resolution, which suggests that parties share control of the Home
Affairs ministry, was rejected by Tsvangirai as a "nullity". But the SADC
heads still insist on taking the rejected suggestion to another summit.
"Outstanding issues raised by Tsvangirai shall be dealt with:
a.) In terms of Article XXII, Paragraph 22.4 of the Agreement, which
states: 'Joint monitoring and Implementation committee ( JOMIC) shall be the
principal body dealing with the issues of compliance and monitoring of this
Agreement and to that end, the Parties hereby undertake to channel all
complaints, grievances, concerns and issues relating to the compliance with
this
Agreement through JOMIC and to refrain from any conduct which might
undermine the spirit of co-operation necessary for the fulfilment of this
Agreement'; and/or
b.) By the Inclusive Government after its formation Sources close to
the talks said Mugabe rejected a position paper tabled by Tsvangirai
suggesting that the MDC takes control of the "key" Home Affairs, Finance,
Information, Agriculture and Local Government ministries.
The MDC position paper suggested Mugabe's Zanu (PF) party retains
control of Defence, National Security, Justice, Foreign Affairs and Land.
Our source said a furious Mugabe charged that the MDC was shifting
goal posts and rejected the suggestion as "unacceptable," maintaining he
would implement recommendations made at the SADC summit of November 9 that
suggested that the parties share control of the Home
Affairs while Mugabe retained control of all the 10 powerful
ministries.
Mugabe asserted that Tsvangirai was attempting to re-open issues that
had long been concluded. Efforts by Motlanthe and Guebuza to force the two
principals into making compromises were futile. With the entrenched
positions, the talks were teetering on the verge of collapse.
Efforts by Motlanthe and Guebuza to force the two principals into
making compromises were futile. With the entrenched positions, the talks
were teetering on the verge of collapse. mugabe suggested previously that
all the contested ministries, except Finance, go to his party, Zanu (PF).
Mugabe had earlier warned that the meeting was a "make or break," and
categorically stated
he would not make any more concessions, while Tsvangirai had declared
that he would not accept token ministries and responsibility without
authority.
A wily Mugabe maintained that he had followed the recommendations of
the November 9 SADC summit to the letter, which recommended the sharing of
Home Affairs, gazetting the draft Constitution Amendment No. 19 Bill to be
tabled during the current Parliamentary session that started on Tuesday, and
swearing in the Prime Minister.
He said the only problem was that Tsvangirai was refusing to be sworn
in, was being difficult and was refusing to cooperate.
Attempts by Motlanthe and Guebuza to extract concessions and
compromises from Mugabe despite the unequivocal SADC position, which clearly
favoured Mugabe, fell on deaf ears, our source said.

Zimbabwe Could Use Some U.S. Attention

http://online.wsj.com

JANUARY 22, 2009

Mugabe doesn't recognize any African authority.
By ROGER BATE
Morgan Tsvangirai has nominally been Zimbabwe's prime minister since
September, but he may never actually get to hold the post. Monday's collapse
of power-sharing talks between Zimbabwean dictator Robert Mugabe and Mr.
Tsvangirai marks the latest in a decade-long stream of bad news for this
wretched country.

Next week, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) will once again
hold a summit to attempt to resolve this crisis. But so far, SADC leaders
have allowed Mugabe to renege on all agreements to yield power. Some even
portray Mr. Tsvangirai as the obstacle to compromise.

The increasingly demented Mugabe seems to truly believe that Britain wants
to recolonize his country and that Mr. Tsvangirai is in the pocket of the
West. His ludicrous insistence that Mr. Tsvangirai is merely a British
puppet has unfairly made the prime minister-elect part of the problem.
Regional leaders, afraid of being perceived by their citizens as supporting
the West, have refused to come to his defense.
The despotic Mugabe has misruled Zimbabwe since 1980. Today, at least 80% of
Zimbabweans are unemployed. All Western companies have abandoned the
country -- only the most ruthless Chinese and Russian operators remain,
paying hard currency for gemstones and minerals they help extract. Prices
more than double every day, and new-denomination bank notes are issued every
week.

A cholera epidemic, which Mugabe blames on Britain, has infected 43,000 and
killed 2,150, according to the United Nations. Wilson Chimtengwende, a
health worker in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's second-largest city, told me, "The
poor are so malnourished and without transport that any infection can be
lethal. Most people die at home with cholera unreported. Deaths could be
three times as high as official numbers." (Our phone conversation got cut
off four times in 15 minutes, normal given the phone service there.)

By rights -- even by the rules of the Zimbabwean constitution -- the former
trade-union leader Mr. Tsvangirai should be president. He won the first
round of presidential elections last March, but Mugabe demanded a runoff.
His second campaign was derailed in the following months because 200 members
of his party, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), were murdered by
Zimbabwe's security services. This handed Mugabe a convenient, uncontested
victory. It was the increasingly desperate humanitarian crisis and a lull in
violence against his party that led Mr. Tsvangirai to agree to a political
compromise in September: He agreed to be prime minister rather than
president.

Since then, cholera has ravaged the country, violence against the MDC has
escalated (over 40 party members have been abducted), and until last week
Mr. Tsvangirai had been kept out of the country because the authorities
refused to issue him a new passport. Despite all of this, he was prepared to
negotiate at the request of South Africa, only to be rebuffed by Mugabe.

Lovemore Madhuku, a prominent Zimbabwean lawyer, is just one of many experts
who believe that Mugabe will never agree to a deal with Mr. Tsvangirai. I
have met with Mr. Tsvangirai during my travels to Zimbabwe and I admire his
courage and tenacity, but he may need to stand aside temporarily -- such a
move will give regional leaders no further excuses not to force Mugabe from
power.

Mugabe's ZANU-PF party's salute is the clenched fist, compared to the
open-handed wave of Mr. Tsvangirai's MDC. President Barack Obama's
inauguration call to the world's oppressors to open their clenched fists
could have been written specifically for Mugabe.

Mr. Obama will likely continue the correct policies of the Bush
administration -- travel and financial sanctions against Mugabe's cronies.
But Mr. Obama's huge appeal, particularly in Africa, might inspire regional
leaders to stand up to Mugabe. If he does not at least try to pressure
regional leaders, there may soon be no country left for Mr. Tsvangirai to
govern.

Mr. Bate is a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

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Zimbabwe's political fiasco
http://www.canada.com

Cris Chinaka, Reuters
Published: Wednesday, January 21, 2009
HARARE - Another African summit on Zimbabwe's political crisis next week is
unlikely to break deadlock over a power-sharing deal between President
Robert Mugabe and the opposition, and analysts see a bleak future.

Mugabe's camp suggested the meeting of southern African leaders called for
Jan. 26 looked doomed after the ruling ZANU-PF and opposition MDC leader
Morgan Tsvangirai failed to reach agreement at talks brokered by regional
leaders on Monday.

"Efforts to finalise the broad-based agreement appeared to have
irretrievably collapsed," the government's Herald newspaper said. It said
Tsvangirai's party had rejected regional proposals "that would have seen an
inclusive government being formed by the end of the week."

Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change is equally pessimistic. The
rivals blame each other for the failure to implement a September
power-sharing pact that had raised hopes of rescuing Zimbabwe from economic
collapse.

Lovemore Madhuku, a lawyer and chairman of constitution reform lobby group
NCA, said it appeared increasingly unlikely that Mugabe and Tsvangirai could
work together.

"There is a crisis of confidence arising from Tsvangirai's belief that
Mugabe wants to trap his MDC party in order to tame it, ease pressure on his
government, get some international legitimacy and then absorb or destroy the
MDC," he told Reuters.

"On the other hand, Mugabe seems to truly believe that Tsvangirai is a
Western puppet holding out for an economic meltdown that may lead to a mass
uprising and a fall of his government."

The dispute has centred on who gets which posts in a shared government but
is as much as anything about the lack of trust.

"The SADC (Southern African Development Community) is not going to succeed
in Zimbabwe if they do not change their strategy," said Elinor Sisulu, head
of the South African branch of the Crisis for Zimbabwe Coalition.

She said that instead of focusing only on the deal, regional leaders should
look at violence in Zimbabwe, where the MDC accuses the government of
attacks, and at ZANU-PF accusations the opposition is preparing an
insurgency from Botswana.

If there is no agreement, Mugabe has said he would proceed in appointing a
purely ZANU-PF cabinet.

But its work will be difficult in a parliament dominated by the opposition
since elections last March.

Tsvangirai also won a presidential ballot then, but without enough votes to
avoid a run-off against Mugabe. He pulled out of that citing attacks on his
supporters.

Without a political settlement, Zimbabwe is unlikely to get financial aid
crucial to reviving the battered economy. Nor will it be able to persuade
Western powers to lift sanctions imposed on Mugabe's government.

Aid agencies are already struggling to cope with food shortages and a
cholera epidemic that has killed over 2,100 people.

"The future can only be secured if the politicians sort out the political
issues, and then we can expect assistance to repair the damage of disastrous
policies and to grow the economy," said leading economic consultant John
Robertson.

Others say Zimbabwe's economic problems - which include food, fuel and
foreign currency shortages, unemployment of 80 percent and the world's
highest inflation rate of more than 230 million percent - can only get worse
with the impasse.

Mugabe, who will be 85 next month and has been in power since independence
from Britain in 1980, says Zimbabwe's once prosperous economy has been
sabotaged by enemies opposed to his seizures of white-owned farms for
blacks.

"It is not clear, in terms of strategy, where both the MDC and ZANU-PF want
to go outside the power-sharing framework, but its very clear that the
economy will be doomed without it," said Eldred Masunungure, a University of
Zimbabwe political science professor.

SA church leaders urge Mbeki to give up Zim role
http://www.zimonline.co.za/

by Cuthbert Nzou Thursday 22 January 2009

HARARE - South African church leaders have urged former president Thabo
Mbeki to step down as mediator in power-sharing negotiations in neighbouring
Zimbabwe.

The religious leaders also blamed the regional SADC grouping of failing the
people of Zimbabwe by not pressing President Robert Mugabe to agree to
genuinely share power with opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai.

A power-sharing government is seen as the best way to pluck Zimbabwe out of
crisis but Mugabe and Tsvangirai failed to agree on a new government on
Monday because of dispute over control of ministerial and other top
government posts.

In a statement released this week, the South African National Church Leaders
Consultation said Zimbabwe had collapsed and Mbeki "is compromised and no
longer suitable for the mediation process".

Tsvangirai has on several occasions asked the Southern African Development
Community (SADC) to remove Mbeki as facilitator claiming that he was biased
in favour of Mugabe, but the regional bloc has kept faith in the former
South African leader.

On Monday, Mbeki was part of the SADC team that was in Harare to try and
break the deadlock between Mugabe and Tsvangirai on the power-sharing deal
signed last September.

The team was headed by SADC chairperson and South African President Kgalema
Motlanthe and included Mozambique President Amando Guebeza.

The SADC delegation failed to break the deadlock and an extraordinary summit
of the regional bloc would be held in either Botswana or South Africa on
Monday, January 26 in what appears to be a last minute chance to salvage the
deal.

Accusing SADC of failing to take a tougher stance against Mugabe, church
leaders called for the African Union to intervene in Zimbabwe and said that
a new facilitator should be appointed.

The church group includes Catholic, Methodist, Anglican, Dutch Reformed,
Lutheran and Rhema leaders.

"We believe that Robert Mugabe is holding to illegitimate power. The people
of Zimbabwe spoke on March 29 2008 by electing a new leadership; we
therefore call upon Robert Mugabe to resign in order to give democracy a new
chance," the National Church Leaders said.

"We also call on churches, civil society groups and political leaders in
southern Africa to urgently address the humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe."

The leaders said they would "seek and facilitate the unity of the church in
Zimbabwe", assist in providing food aid through church structures and
"actively work for the downfall of unjust rule in Zimbabwe". - ZimOnline

Zimbabweans Flocking To South Africa For Cholera Treatment - and Staying

http://www.voanews.com

By Patience Rusere
Washington
21 January 2009

As a months-long cholera epidemic continues to claim lives in Zimbabwe,
large numbers of Zimbabweans are said to be crossing into South Africa to
seek treatment though the disease has also been taking hold south of the
Limpopo River dividing the two countries.

Reports said the disease has spread to all nine South African provinces,
especially Limpopo province close to the border. They said 91 new cases have
been reported in Limpopo where nine deaths had occurred as of Monday. In all
of South Africa there were 2,439 cases.

Reports from the World Health Organization through Monday showed nearly
46,000 cases in Zimbabwe itself, with a death toll of 2,484 from the disease
in the past five months.

Sox Chikowero, an activist of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
based in South Africa, told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7 for
Zimbabwe that infected Zimbabweans are receiving adequate medical care in
South Africa regardless of their immigration status, and that after
treatment most are opting to stay.

Chinamasa dismisses MDC demands
http://www.thezimbabwetimes.com/?p=10251

January 21, 2009

By Raymond Maingire

HARARE - Outgoing Justice Minister and Zanu PF chief negotiator in on-going
unity talks, Patrick Chinamasa has dismissed the proposals made by the
Morgan Tsvangirai led MDC, subject to the formation of an all inclusive
government between Zanu PF and MDC.

Chinamasa is adamant President Robert Mugabe has no obligation to consult
Tsvangirai before appointing persons to occupy key government positions.

He contends the MDC leader is only a political office holder who is not yet
in government.

Zanu-PF wants a new government to be in place with outstanding issues being
dealt with later while the MDC says it cannot proceed with the formation of
an all inclusive government if the outstanding issues have not been
clarified and consistent.

The MDC wants an equitable distribution of ministerial portfolios, the
enactment of a law establishing the National Security Council, the
appointment of governors and other senior appointments, among some of its
demands, before a new government is put in place.

The MDC also Zanu PF to reverse everything which it says is in violation of
a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed on July 21 and the Global
Political Agreement signed between the parties on September 15, 2008.

Chinamasa, who was evidently irked by the MDC's constant reference to Mugabe
as President-Designate, says the MDC's demands are unacceptable.

"Tsvangirai refers to the President as the President-designate, in
consultation with the Prime-Minister designate, shall agree on the
appointment of a new Reserve Bank governor of Zimbabwe by the 24th of
January 2009. That is his new demand," Chinamasa said to journalists at a
press conference held in Harare on Wednesday.

"The President has no obligation to consult a political office holder,
whether Zanu-PF or MDC, he has no legal obligation.

"He only has a legal obligation to act in accordance with the constitution
(of Zimbabwe) and only after (Constitutional) Amendment Number 19 is enacted
into law would he be required to consult the Prime Minister if, and when
that office is filled up after the enactment."

Chinamasa also defended Mugabe's unilateral re-appointment of one of his key
allies, Gideon Gono, as central bank governor.

"We are wilting under sanctions and the Reserve Bank governor has been in
the forefront in our anti-sanctions fight," said Chinamasa.

"There is no way a vacuum would have occurred in the office of the Reserve
Bank governor. He correctly appointed him for his second and final term.

"Tsvangirai would be happier if there is a vacuum in the office of Attorney
General," Chinamasa said in reference to the MDC's complaint over the
appointment of Johannes Tomana.

Tomana, who was appointed on December 17, 2008, has since publicly declared
his allegiance to Mugabe's Zanu-PF.

While she is yet to be tried for her alleged offence, Tomana has since
pronounced the jailed Zimbabwe Peace Project director, Jestina Mukoko as a
threat to the state saying she should not be released now.

The MDC has demanded the unconditional release of 31 of its activists and
human rights defenders, who are accused of attempting to dethrone Mugabe to
replace him with Tsvangirai. The MDC says these are trumped up charges.

"He would also be happier if we allow a situation where persons can commit
crimes with impunity," Chinamasa said.

"It would obviously help his cause to make this country ungovernable. It's
very clear and he probably does not think that we have seen through their
machinations."

Chinamasa said there was no need to continue with the all- inclusive
government if the MDC kept refusing to be party to it.

"If there is no commitment from any of the three parties, it's pointless to
proceed with the project. The project can only be embarked upon in the full
understanding that it is supported by all the parties," he said.

Chinamasa's comments were made after the two parties again failed to resolve
their differences last Monday under the facilitation of South African
President and SADC chairperson, Kgalema Motlanthe, who was assisted by the
SADC chief negotiator Thabo Mbeki and Mozambican President Armando Guebuza,
the acting chairperson of the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security.

South Africa: Lekota Gets Top Spot

The Congress of the People (Cope) today "selected" Mosiuoa Lekota as president, with Mbhazima Shilowa as deputy president while a woman "from the minority group" was considered for second deputy president.

In what is being described as a compromise arrangement of "handpicked" leadership, Cope had still not chosen its second deputy president by 7am today, forcing leaders to work the phones at the eleventh hour to find the right person to fit its progressive image.

An unknown KwaZulu-Natal entrepreneur, Linda Odendaal, had this morning emerged as a contender as the party attempted to find three key qualities in one person - a white woman who does not carry ANC baggage and who hails from a region where Cope desperately needs to make inroads.

Just hours ahead of presenting her name to the plenary session, and the noon address of the new leadership at an inaugural rally at the Free State Eagles cricket stadium, Cope's leaders were still in talks with Odendaal, whose name emerged only after several other women declined selection.

However, provinces could overturn the leadership's proposal.

Talks with former public works minister Thoko Didiza ended on Sunday night when she declined the party's offer to deputise alongside Shilowa.

Communications director-general Lyndal Shope-Mafole was also considered, but it was felt that "she was not of the right colour" and it would "not be appropriate" to field her as a senior civil servant.

Talks with Zahira Ebrahim, the woman who attracted plenty of support and interest when she addressed Cope's November Convention in Sandton, ended last night after she decided against a political career.

Weeks of negotiations with former deputy president Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka were also fruitless.

It is believed that some party leaders were "gravely" disappointed that no senior experienced leaders from the ANC were prepared to serve.

Although they were still confident that most ANC leaders who resigned from Cabinet or provincial governments would join Cope, other hardliners in the party were angry at the emergence of what they described as an opportunistic tendency.

Cope's steering committee emerged from an hours-long meeting shortly after 2am with a leadership package that, for the most part, endorses the interim team as part of a 64-member national leadership - including a dozen senior office bearers, 30 directly elected executives, four members co-opted from the youth and women, and 18 ex-officio members from provinces.

Former ANC leader Charlotte Lobe and former deputy defence minister Mluleki George were retained as secretary-general and organiser respectively, to appease their restless provinces. Hilda Ndude was retained as treasurer.

Former unionist Willie Madisha was selected to head the sectors, while Deirdre Carter is deputy secretary-general and former ANC spokesman Smuts Ngonyama will head policy. Former SACP leader Phillip Dexter will also be retained as head of media and Shope-Mafole heads international affairs.

Delegates battled to reach consensus as a number lobbied hard for a dual leadership that would have placed Shilowa as the so-called face of the campaign in next year's elections, leaving Lekota to preside over, and build, the fledgling party.

But Gauteng and Limpopo - provinces that desperately wanted Shilowa to head the elections campaign - eventually compromised.

However, it was finally agreed to postpone that discussion until January when the party finalises its list for the elections and names the person who will take on ANC president Jacob Zuma at the polls.

Striking the right balance between what Shilowa has repeatedly called "the old and the new", former ANC members and fresh new faces, and getting the right geographic and racial spread and gender mix across the executive, were issues that were hotly debated through the night.

An eleventh-hour proposal to name Ngonyama as Cope's national chairman, a position that would have recognised the senior positions he had previously held, was turned down by a majority of the steering committee.

Some said it would have suggested entitlement at the top "which would have sent out the wrong message", while others felt it was "too much old ANC" at the top starting out.

More defectors from ANC's provincial legislatures were expected to be announced today.

Bloemfontein was expected to explode with rival political activity when Cope and the ANC hold separate rallies in the city today.

"In terms of the planning for the rally we have been assured by the police that there's sufficient deployment for the protection of the rally," Cope's Leonard Ramatlakane said.

Southern Africa: SA to 'Get Tough' on Zimbabwe Talks


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Business Day (Johanneburg)

7 November 2008
Posted to the web 7 November 2008

Wyndham Hartley
Cape Town

SA's softly softly approach to the Zimbabwe crisis is set to change when Southern African Development Community (SADC) heads of state hold an emergency meeting on Sunday.

Former president Thabo Mbeki, right up to the moment when he was removed from office, stuck to his policy of quiet diplomacy in dealing with President Robert Mugabe.

Mbeki has been accused of favouring the octogenarian leader in mediating the conflict with Movement for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Yesterday, however, chief government spokesman Themba Maseko said that when the cabinet met on Wednesday it had expressed extreme concern at the lack of progress in power-sharing talks in Zimbabwe.

A meeting a week ago of a select group of SADC leaders, including President Kgalema Motlanthe, failed to make any headway in resolving the deadlock between Mugabe and Tsvangirai over the allocation of cabinet posts. This necessitated a full extraordinary meeting of SADC heads of state on Sunday in Johannesburg.

In response to questions at a news conference, Maseko said SA would be "taking quite a hard stance" at Sunday's meeting because urgent steps were needed to resolve the situation, which was having an effect on the entire region.

Asked to elaborate on the "hard stance" that SA would take, Maseko said: "We are anxious about the failure to reach agreement, and will be expressing the view that it now has to be done urgently." He said there was also concern the planting season being missed in Zimbabwe, where millions would need emergency food aid .

In his medium-term budget policy statement last month, Finance Minister Trevor Manuel announced R300m had been allocated to provide a lifeline for Zimbabwean agriculture.

But Maseko said the government was having difficulty in sitting at ministerial level with the Zimbabweans to discuss allocation of the money. In the absence of a functioning cabinet the agricultural rescue plan would be stillborn.

Maseko said government had also expressed extreme concern at renewed fighting in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where SA played a key role in brokering a peace deal.

Zimbabwe: Zanu PF Hardliners Pressuring Mugabe to Go It Alone


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The Nation (Nairobi)

22 October 2008
Posted to the web 23 October 2008

Kitsepile Nyathi
Harare

Hardliners in Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu PF are putting pressure on President Robert Mugabe to go ahead and form a government without the opposition amid signs the power sharing agreement between the country's political rivals is failing.

Two days after Mr Mugabe's rival, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) boycotted a regional summit to tackle the impasse over the distribution of cabinet posts, veterans of the country's liberation war called for Zanu PF to go it alone.

"President Mugabe must recognise the mandate which was given to him by the people on June 27 that he becomes the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe and appoints cabinet in accordance with the demands of the Constitution,", Mr Jabulani Sibanda, the leader of the militant former fighters told the state controlled media."This country will feel betrayed, war veterans will feel betrayed. "We are a free country, Tsvangirai lost the elections and efforts to accommodate him in the inclusive government should not make it appear as if he is important."

War veterans, who led Mr Mugabe's violent election campaign that forced Mr Tsvangirai, the winner of the first round of the poll to pull out, are an influential group and their public statements often reflect the thinking in Zanu PF factions close to the veteran leader.

Zanu PF and the MDC factions on 15 September signed a power sharing accord that divides the government ministries among them and would keep Mr Mugabe as president and make his rival Mr Morgan Tsvangirai the prime minister.

But since the signing of the deal brokered by former South African President Thabo Mbeki on behalf of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the parties have been haggling over the allocation of key cabinet posts.

However, the parties drifted further apart on Monday when Mr Tsvangirai boycotted a meeting of the SADC troika aimed at breaking the impasse, protesting against delays in issuing him with a new passport.

The MDC says it would not attend the meeting, which was rescheduled to Monday in Harare if Mr Tsvangirai is not issued with a passport, casting doubts about the success of the regional mediation.

"Meaningful negotiations cannot proceed while Zanu PF continues to hold Mr Tsvangirai hostage and prisoner in his own country," the MDC said in statement. "President Tsvangirai, like any other Zimbabwean, is a prisoner in his own country. As the saying goes, "prisoners don't negotiate.

"South Africa: ANC Both Peeved and Reconciliatory Over Looming Split


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Business Day (Johannesburg)

9 October 2008
Posted to the web 9 October 2008

Wilson Johwa
Johannesburg

EVEN as the African National Congress (ANC) intensifies efforts to eradicate what appears to be an irreversible split, party president Jacob Zuma said yesterday there was a limit to which aggrieved members could use ANC structures to destabilise the party.

Zuma was addressing the Black Management Forum (BMF) at ANC headquarters as former defence minister Mosiuoa Lekota announced plans for a national convention that will decide on the formation of an ANC splinter party.

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